For more than 40 years, equal access to educational opportunities of Los Angeles students under the California Constitution have been protected by a court order. Now, those court-ordered protections are being challenged.
A Multi-Generational Fight for Desegregated Schools in Los Angeles
For more than 40 years, equal access to educational opportunities of Los Angeles students under the California Constitution have been protected by a court order. Now, those court-ordered protections are being challenged.
For eight-year-old A.M., who lives in South Los Angeles, Point Fermin Marine Science Magnet School is more than a place to learn. It’s a safe, nurturing environment where they can explore their passion for sea animals and grow among diverse students from across Los Angeles. Point Fermin offers these resources as one of the hundreds of Los Angeles magnet schools that provide priority admissions points to students who reside in one of the district’s Predominantly Hispanic, Black, Asian, or Other non-Anglo (PHBAO) designated school attendance areas. That program is designed to ensure that students from across the city have a fair opportunity to participate in specialized programs like those offered at the Marine Science Magnet School.
Now, the opportunity that students like A.M. have is under attack through a lawsuit challenging these policies that came out of a decades-long fight for desegregation. A.M. is referred to by their initials, because they are a minor.
The 1776 Project Foundation and U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) are suing the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) in an attempt to terminate the PHBAO program, arguing that the role of race in the program makes it discriminatory. What they miss, however, is that this program is a court-ordered remedy to address racial discrimination. The ACLU, representing Black and eventually also Latino students, filed a lawsuit in 1963 to challenge severe segregation in LAUSD. After years of litigation, this resulted in a seminal 1981 order in Crawford v. Board of Education, which found that LAUSD schools were segregated and required the school district to implement a plan and develop resources addressing that civil rights violation.
For more than 40 years, this plan has ensured schools and students most affected by that history of segregation obtain certain baseline levels of support, and has endeavored to ensure that access to magnet school programs is available to all students on a fair basis. The ACLU and the ACLU of Southern California have a direct connection to the history of this case and have moved to intervene to help ensure that the students and families most affected are represented in these proceedings.
In 1963, Black and Hispanic students and families filed Crawford v. Board of Education, a class action lawsuit challenging segregation in LAUSD schools. After years of litigation, courts found that LAUSD’s schools were “substantially segregated” and that the school district had a constitutional obligation to take steps to address that harm.
At the time, segregation in Los Angeles schools was widespread. Many Black students attended schools that were overwhelmingly Black, despite Black students representing a much smaller percentage of the district’s overall enrollment. A 1971 federal survey of public school enrollment found that LAUSD was among the most segregated in the entire country. For example, in 1968, 80 elementary schools had Black student enrollments that exceeded 50 percent (and almost all exceeded 90%), even though Black students comprised only 22 percent of LAUSD’s total student population. Schools serving students of color were often overcrowded and had fewer resources, poorer facilities, and fewer educational opportunities.
In 1981, the Los Angeles Superior Court approved a desegregation plan for LAUSD schools that provided a range of remedies, including magnet programs, voluntary transportation options, and additional support for communities most affected by segregation.
For more than four decades, these court-ordered programs have helped alleviate the harms of unlawful, racial isolation. Now, they are being challenged in federal court.
The ACLU is moving to intervene to ensure that students and families affected by this case have a voice in court — and to preserve the obligation of LAUSD to provide equal access to a fair and equal education, free from segregation. This case is part of a broader effort to eliminate the ability to respond to racial and other forms of societal inequality, and to erase history rather than learn from it.
Free Speech
Racial Justice
ACLU and ACLU of North Dakota File Brief in Support of Right to Protest on Public Roads
ST. LOUIS — The American Civil Liberties Union and the ACLU of North Dakota filed an amicus brief today with the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit in Thunderhawk v. Kirchmeier, a case that challenges the government’s decision to close a public road during a Standing Rock protest, preventing people from assembling to express their opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline. In the brief, the ACLU argues that roads of every kind — including rural roads, multi-lane roads and high-speed roads — have served as sites of protest throughout United States history, from the civil rights marches and anti-war demonstrations of the 1960s and ’70s to more recent protests, including marches in opposition to abortion, in support of rural healthcare and against police brutality. Courts across the country have long recognized that roads are quintessential traditional public forums and open for public assembly, debate, and the communication of ideas. “The government’s argument disregards our history of protest in the United States and misinterprets our fundamental First Amendment rights. Our right to assemble and protest in the streets should never depend on the type of roadway chosen,” said Andrew Malone, senior staff attorney for the ACLU of North Dakota. “The Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that protesting in public streets is a time-honored American right. It is long overdue for police officers, prosecutors and government officials to uphold this constitutional standard.” For nearly eight years and through multiple rounds of dismissals and appeals, the government has argued that some streets, including rural roads, don’t belong to the community and that the road at issue in this case doesn’t deserve the same protection afforded to other public spaces. But, the ACLU argues in the brief, as one of the few communal spaces in rural areas, these roads are uniquely positioned to offer rural communities – and those wishing to address them – a public space in which to associate, communicate thoughts and discuss public issues. “Protesting on public roads is as American as apple pie, and that doesn’t change whether the road is a rural highway in North Dakota or 42nd St in New York City,” said Vera Eidelman, senior staff attorney with the ACLU’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project. “People can turn the page in a magazine or change the channel on TV, but streets remain one of the few places where we have to confront ideas we might otherwise tune out—and that’s why our rights to protest on streets, sidewalks, and in public parks are so important.”
Court Case: Thunderhawk v. Morton County
Affiliate: North Dakota
Racial Justice
Civil Liberties
ACLU Reacts to Draft Bipartisan AI Bill That Would Preempt State Laws
WASHINGTON — Today, Congressman Obernolte and Congresswoman Trahan released a draft regulatory framework for Artificial Intelligence, which they may soon introduce in the House of Representatives. This draft bill – if enacted into law – would largely prohibit states from regulating AI developers. It would block states from enforcing existing state protections and from enacting new protections This could include anything from privacy regulations to antidiscrimination requirements to AI safety laws. Congress has twice overwhelmingly rejected legislative proposals to block states from regulating AI, also known as “preemption.” This includes a 99-1 Senate vote last year against an amendment that would have created a 10-year moratorium on state AI regulation. Seventeen Republican governors joined the bipartisan opposition to that failed amendment. In response, Jina John, senior policy counsel for AI, privacy and technology at the ACLU released the following statement: "This draft bill fails to learn from Congress’s previous attempts to block state AI regulations. States must be able to protect their own residents from harm, hold tech companies accountable, and ensure that AI is safe and trustworthy. "Governors, attorneys general, and lawmakers from both parties have opposed the efforts to push states aside for good reason. AI touches all aspects of people’s lives in this country, including employment, healthcare, lending, education, and so much more. So far, it has been governors and state legislatures—and largely not Congress or the president—who have been trying to protect the American people from harms that AI may cause. The federal government must not grant tech giants a blank check to deploy these technologies without the oversight of states."
Aclu Reacts To Draft Bipartisan Ai Bill That Would Preempt State Laws. Explore Press Release.